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Is Gridlock Good for the Stock Market?

The Vetoes, Shutdowns, Investigations and Market Returns of Every Split Washington Since 1945

Democrats won the House and the Senate on November 3, which means that for the next two years a Republican president will be working with a Congress run by the other party. Wall Street has a ready answer for what that means: gridlock is good for stocks. I went back through every year since 1945 to test it, along with the things divided government reliably brings: vetoes, shutdowns, debt-limit fights, investigations and fewer laws. Some of it holds up. The part about stocks mostly does not, and the exact setup starting in January has the weakest record of all.

DaveManuel.com · Politics and Markets · November 7, 2026

Starting in January, a Republican president will face a Democratic Congress. Since 1945, that has been the weakest of the five possible setups for stocks, and the history of vetoes, shutdowns and debt-limit fights suggests what the next two years will be about.

48 of 81years since 1945 that Washington was divided
8.7%average yearly stock return with a Republican president and a Democratic Congress
203 of 208vetoes since 1981 came under divided government
4 of 5major debt-limit standoffs since 1995 came under divided government

Stock returns: S&P 500 total return including dividends, 1945-2025 (Aswath Damodaran, NYU Stern). Vetoes: U.S. Senate and the American Presidency Project.

01The Scoreboard

"Gridlock is good for stocks" is one of the oldest lines on Wall Street, and strategists repeated it the day after the 2026 midterms. The idea is simple: if Washington cannot pass anything, it cannot pass anything that hurts business. Here is what the record actually shows. Each bar is the average yearly return of the S&P 500, dividends included, for every year since 1945 that had that mix of White House and Congress. Click or tap a bar to see its years.

Democratic president, Republican Congress
15.7%
Republicans hold all three
16.2%
Split Congress
14.0%
Democrats hold all three
13.5%
Republican president, Democratic Congress
8.7%
Click a bar to list its years. Red years were down years.

A year is counted by who held the White House and each chamber for most of it. 2001, when the Senate changed hands twice, is counted as a split Congress. Source: Damodaran, NYU Stern; party control from the U.S. House and Senate historians.

Divided government as a whole has not beaten unified government. The 48 divided years averaged 11.9%, against 14.3% in the 33 years when one party held everything. The split that matters is which party has the White House. A Democratic president facing a Republican Congress has the best record, with the late 1990s doing most of the work. A Republican president facing a Democratic Congress, the setup that starts in January 2027, has the worst, at 8.7% a year with 6 down years out of 22.

Who controls WashingtonYearsAverageMedianDown yearsBest yearWorst year
Democratic president, Republican Congress1015.7%16.3%11995 (+37.2%)2000 (-9.0%)
Republicans hold all three916.2%15.6%21954 (+52.6%)2018 (-4.2%)
Split Congress1614.0%18.3%32013 (+32.1%)2002 (-22.0%)
Democrats hold all three2413.5%17.3%51945 (+35.8%)2022 (-18.0%)
Republican president, Democratic Congress228.7%7.5%61958 (+43.7%)2008 (-36.5%)

The published studies, which mostly use the S&P 500 without dividends, land in the same place. CFRA's Sam Stovall found that since 1945 a Republican president with a Democratic Congress has produced the lowest average price gain of any combination, 4.9% a year, while a Democratic president with a split Congress produced the highest, 16.5%. RBC Capital Markets, going back to 1932, puts the Republican-president, Democratic-Congress average at about 5%.

Before anyone sells on this, look at what sits inside that weakest group: the 1973-74 bear market, when the S&P lost 14.3% and then 25.9% during the oil embargo and Watergate, and 2008, the worst year since the Depression at -36.5%. Six of the 12 recessions since World War II started with a Republican president and a Democratic Congress in place: 1957, 1960, 1969, 1973, 1990 and 2007 (see every US recession since 1900). The setup did not cause the oil shock or the housing crash. Each group holds only a handful of political eras, and a single bad year can move an average by several points.

There is a calendar pattern worth knowing about too. Midterm years tend to be weak and the year after them tends to be strong: Fidelity found the S&P 500 was higher 12 months after a midterm in 95% of cases since 1938, which the site's page on the stock market after midterm elections breaks down election by election. The first days after the 2026 vote were a reminder that politics is rarely the only thing moving prices. The Dow jumped 3% on November 4, then the Nasdaq fell 5.5% the next day as chip stocks sold off on worries that new Democratic majorities in Washington and the states would slow the approval of AI data centers, a risk covered in what a Democratic Texas governor means for the data center boom.

02Eighty Years in One Strip

Divided government is not the exception in modern America. It is the normal state of things. Each block below is one year, from 1945 to 2027. Hover over or tap a block for who held power and what stocks did that year.

19451965198520052027
Democrats hold all threeRepublicans hold all threeDemocratic president, Republican CongressRepublican president, Democratic CongressSplit Congress2027, the new Congress

The strip falls into clear eras. Democrats held Congress almost without a break from 1955 to 1995, so every Republican president in that stretch, Eisenhower, Nixon, Ford, Reagan and the first Bush, governed with at least one chamber against him. Reagan had a Republican Senate for six years and lost it in 1986. Since then control has flipped far more often: the House has changed hands six times, in the elections of 1994, 2006, 2010, 2018, 2022 and 2026. No party has held the White House and both chambers for more than four years in a row since Lyndon Johnson.

That churn is mostly the midterm penalty at work. The president's party has lost House seats in all but three midterms since the Civil War, and it usually loses more when the president is unpopular (see the site's midterm election history, the presidential approval ratings history and the 10 most unpopular presidents heading into a midterm). The 2026 result fit the pattern: Democrats gained seats in both chambers and took control of each.

03Pick the Government

Choose a party for the White House, the House and the Senate to see how that combination has gone since 1945. It opens on the setup that takes over in January 2027.

years like this, 1945-2025
average yearly S&P 500 return
down years
average federal budget balance, % of GDP

Budget balance by fiscal year, from the Office of Management and Budget via the St. Louis Fed (series FYFSGDA188S); a negative number is a deficit. Each fiscal year is matched to the government in place in that calendar year.

The budget column is the one that surprises people. The only group that averaged a balanced budget is a Democratic president with a Republican Congress, thanks to the surpluses of 1947-48 and 1998-2000, the last three of which followed the 1997 Balanced Budget Act; the site has the story of when Washington thought the debt would be paid off. Split Congresses have run the biggest average deficits, partly because they include the Reagan tax cuts and defense buildup and the pandemic year of 2020. Otherwise there is no reliable gap between divided and unified government: deficits mostly track wars, recessions and tax cuts, whoever passes them. The full record is in the history of deficits and surpluses and the history of US debt, and you can try your own fixes with the balance the budget tool.

04The Veto Ledger

Once Congress flips, the veto becomes the president's main tool, and the record shows how sharply that changes. Each column is one Congress. Orange columns are divided government, blue are unified. Hover over or tap a column for the count.

Unified governmentDivided governmentVetoes overridden

Regular and pocket vetoes per Congress. Sources: U.S. Senate, Vetoes 1789 to Present; the American Presidency Project at UC Santa Barbara.

Truman and Eisenhower vetoed hundreds of bills, many of them private relief bills for individual people, under every kind of Congress. Since then the pattern has been stark. Of the 208 vetoes issued since 1981, 203 came under divided government; the unified Congresses of that era produced five. Overrides are rarer still: 53 since 1945, and 45 of them came when the other party held at least one chamber. Override needs two-thirds of both chambers, and many of the ones that worked were on popular bills with money for home districts, like highways, water projects and farm programs, or on defense bills.

Trump has already told the new Congress what to expect. "I have the ultimate power, it's called 'veto,'" he said in a CBS interview on election day, adding: "Historically, you veto for a couple of months and then they come and say, 'We've got to make a deal.'" He issued two vetoes in the Republican-run 119th Congress before the election, and both stood. The article on what happens to tariffs now that Democrats control Congress works through the veto math on the first big test.

05Shutdowns and Debt-Limit Brinks

The money fights are where divided government gets expensive, but the record is not what most people assume. Here is every lapse in federal funding since 1995 that lasted at least a full day.

Nov 1995
5 days
Dec 1995 - Jan 1996
21 days
Oct 2013
16 days
Jan 2018
2 days
Dec 2018 - Jan 2019
34 days
Oct - Nov 2025
42 days
Jan - Feb 2026
3 days
Feb - Apr 2026
75 days
Began under divided governmentUnified governmentBegan unified, ended divided

Days of lapse as counted by the Congressional Research Service (report RS20348); news reports often count one more day. Hover over a bar for the dispute.

The longest full shutdown in history, in late 2025, and the longest lapse for any single agency, at Homeland Security in 2026, both came under unified Republican control, because spending bills still need 60 votes in the Senate and the minority party can block them. Divided government does not cause shutdowns by itself. The debt limit is different. Four of the five serious standoffs over the borrowing limit in that period, in 1995-96, 2011, 2013 and 2023, came with the House or the whole Congress in the hands of the party out of the White House. The exception was the fall of 2021, when Senate Republicans blocked an increase until Democrats passed a short-term $480 billion bump. When one party controls everything, it raises the limit on its own, as Republicans did by $5 trillion in the July 2025 tax and spending law.

YearGovernmentWhat happenedAftermath
1995-96Clinton, Republican CongressClinton vetoed a debt-limit increase; the Treasury used emergency accounting moves for monthsThe limit was raised to $5.5 trillion in March 1996
2011Obama, Republican HouseThe Budget Control Act was signed August 2, the day the Treasury said it would run shortS&P cut the U.S. rating from AAA to AA+ on August 5; the S&P 500 fell 6.7% the next trading day, yet the 10-year Treasury yield fell from 2.56% to 2.34%
2013Obama, Republican HouseA 16-day shutdown and a debt-limit deadline at the same timeYields on Treasury bills due around the deadline jumped from 0.02% to 0.38%; the deal suspended the limit
2023Biden, Republican HouseFour and a half months of emergency measures before the Fiscal Responsibility Act on June 3Fitch cut the U.S. to AA+ on August 1, citing "repeated debt-limit political standoffs"

Moody's removed the last AAA rating in May 2025, which means all three major agencies now rate the U.S. below the top grade, and two of the three downgrades followed debt-limit fights under divided government. The next limit, $41.1 trillion, is projected to be reached sometime in 2027, inside the new Congress. Watch the borrowing on the national debt clock and the daily federal spending tracker, read how long it took to add each trillion of national debt and where the interest on the debt actually goes. If a standoff moves Treasury yields, it moves mortgages too: see how a Treasury yield becomes your mortgage payment and the historical mortgage rates page.

06Does Anything Get Done?

The other half of the gridlock argument is that a split Washington passes nothing. The raw counts give some support to that. The dots below are the number of public laws enacted by each Congress since 1947, colored by who held power.

Unified governmentDivided government

Public laws per Congress, 80th (1947-48) to 118th (2023-24). Source: Brookings Institution, Vital Statistics on Congress, table 6-4, and the Office of the Federal Register.

Unified Congresses since 1947 passed an average of 612 public laws, against 566 for divided ones. But the count has been falling under both kinds of government for decades, mostly because Congress now packs its work into giant bills. The average law has grown from a couple of pages to more than 20. The two lowest counts from 1947 to 2024 were both divided Congresses, the 112th (283 laws) and the 118th (274), and the 118th passed 168 of its 274 in the lame-duck session after the 2024 election. The unified 119th has been nearly as slow: Pew counted 121 laws by mid-October 2026, the second-fewest at that point in four decades, ahead only of the 118th.

The best-known study of the question found that the count misses the point. Yale political scientist David Mayhew, in Divided We Govern, listed every important law from 1946 to 1990, 267 of them, and found that they passed at about the same rate whether or not one party held everything. Major investigations of the executive branch were about as common, too. Later work by Sarah Binder of George Washington University and the Brookings Institution added the other side: measured against everything on the national agenda, divided government leaves more of it unresolved. Big laws still pass; more of the list stalls.

Some of the largest laws of the period were signed by presidents facing at least one chamber run by the other party: the Marshall Plan and the National Security Act, the interstate highway system, the 1957 Civil Rights Act and NASA, the Clean Air Act and OSHA in 1970, the 1986 Tax Reform Act, the Americans with Disabilities Act, the 1996 welfare overhaul, the 1997 balanced budget deal, the 2020 USMCA trade pact and the CARES Act. See where the money from those laws goes today in the federal budget breakdown.

07The Playbook: When a President Loses Congress

Before 2026, a president lost one or both chambers in a midterm nine times after World War II. The table adds 1958, when Eisenhower's losses deepened. Each row shows the first big fight, the vetoes and overrides in the Congress that followed, and what got done anyway. Click a row for the story.

MidtermPresidentLostFirst big fightVetoes / overridesGot done anyway
1946TrumanBoth chambersTaft-Hartley labor law+75 / 6Marshall Plan, National Security Act
1954EisenhowerBoth chambersSpending and public works+34 / 0Interstate highways (1956), Civil Rights Act of 1957
1958EisenhowerDeeper lossesLewis Strauss rejected for Commerce, 46-49+44 / 2Landrum-Griffin labor law, Civil Rights Act of 1960
1986ReaganThe SenateIran-Contra hearings+19 / 3Clean Water Act and highway bill, both over his veto
1994ClintonBoth chambersTwo shutdowns and a debt-limit standoff+17 / 1Welfare reform (1996), the 1997 balanced budget deal
2006BushBoth chambersIraq war funding+11 / 4Minimum wage raised to $7.25 in steps
2010ObamaThe HouseThe 2011 debt-limit standoff+0 / 0Budget Control Act, the 2013 fiscal-cliff deal
2014ObamaThe SenateKeystone XL veto+10 / 1Highway bill, education law, 2015 budget deal
2018TrumpThe HouseA 34-day shutdown over the border wall+10 / 1USMCA trade deal, the CARES Act
2022BidenThe HouseElecting a Speaker took 15 ballots+13 / 0Fiscal Responsibility Act (debt limit)

Vetoes and overrides are for the Congress elected in that midterm. Sources: U.S. Senate veto records, the American Presidency Project, the U.S. House Office of the Historian.

The pattern across these cases is consistent. The early fights come over vetoes, nominations, war funding and investigations, in roughly that order. The outgoing Congress often races to finish business in the lame duck before the gavels change hands. Overrides happen only on bills with broad support in both parties. And something big usually passes anyway, almost always because both sides needed it: a budget deal, a debt-limit increase, a trade pact or an emergency package.

What that suggests for 2027

Every piece of that pattern is already lined up. As of the election, the government was funded only to December 11, 2026, so the outgoing Republican majorities have to pass something in the lame duck, and they hold the gavels until January 3. On that date the new Democratic majorities get subpoena power. Robert Garcia, expected to chair the House Oversight Committee, has promised public hearings on the Epstein files and investigations of the Trump family's business dealings. Hakeem Jeffries, expected to be Speaker, said in November 2026 that impeachment is "neither on nor off the table." Every impeachment of a president since 1945 has come under divided government, but removal needs 67 senators, which no party has had since the 1960s; Democrats will have at least 54. Republican Rep. Thomas Massie has said he will force a House vote on impeaching Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth, and Democrats could take up the articles, a history covered in every cabinet secretary impeachment in US history and every fired or forced-out cabinet member.

House Democrats have said their first votes will be on tariffs, the expired Affordable Care Act subsidies and the Medicaid cuts in the 2025 tax law, which start taking effect in 2027. All of those run into the veto. The debt limit will likely be reached during this Congress. If the past is a guide, the deals that do happen will be attached to that limit and to the spending bills, and the real fights will be over the 2028 election. For the money side, follow the 2026 midterm money tracker, the congressional stock trading tracker and the tariff revenue tracker.

The bottom line. I would not buy or sell anything because of who runs Congress. Over 80 years the party mix explains far less about stock returns than recessions, the Fed and oil shocks do, and the setup that starts in January has a poor record mostly because 1973-74 and 2008 happen to fall in it. What divided government reliably changes is the work of Washington: more vetoes, more investigations, debt-limit fights on deadline and a lame-duck rush before the handover. Those are the moments when the bond market can get nervous. Two of them can be marked on a calendar now, December 11 and January 3, and the third, the debt-limit deadline, is expected to come into view in 2027.

Sources

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Filed under Economy and Politics. Every article, by year